| It is generally agreed that
the death tax brought in gross revenue of $28 billion in 2006
and will account for roughly 1.0% of the federal budget over
the next three years. There is considerable disagreement,
however, about how much potential revenue (through income
and capital gains taxes) is lost due to reduced capital accumulation
and heightened tax-avoidance measures.
For instance, though the estate tax may take $55 million
from a $101 million estate (in 2011, with the $1 million exemption
in place), it loses the capital gains on future investments
of that $55 million, and on any income tax from individuals
whose employment is funded by it. Moreover, it is very likely
the death tax will take less than $55 million (after the $1
million exemption), as there are a host of tax-avoidance measures
which reduce both the death tax revenue and the potential
for future capital gains revenue.
The disagreement over the death tax revenue ultimately comes
down to two different revenue estimating, or “scoring,”
methods. Static scoring is a methodology that assumes that
economic actors have a static response to changes in their
overall tax burden. In other words, changes in tax burden
will have no net effect on economic growth, and hence on future
government revenues.
Dynamic scoring, on the other hand, takes into account the
“feedback” effects that occur with changes in
tax policy. Dynamic scoring recognizes that a higher tax rate
takes money out of productive usage, lowering capital formation
and the consequent economic growth that can raise both income
and tax revenues. The latest economic data on the death tax’s
revenue impact weighs heavily on the side of dynamic scoring.
Most, if not all economists, recognize that the estate tax
reduces accumulated capital and encourages tax avoidance.
The question is how much capital is lost due to the death
tax. Dan Clifton, a former fellow with the American Family
Business Institute, cited a study finding that the tax actually
reduces more capital than it provides in revenue.
A recent study by the Joint Economic Committee (JEC)
estimates the estate tax has reduced America’s capital
stock 3.8 percent, or $847 billion. To put this in perspective,
the tax itself generated just $761 billion (inflation
–adjusted) over the same course of time. This suggests
that the tax is providing a substantial drag on economic
growth.
That loss in capital stock means less investment in new businesses,
lower productivity (as labor productivity is tied to the amount
of capital stock in an economy) and therefore lower revenues
from both capital gains and the income tax.
David Joulfaian, writing for the U.S. Treasury’s Office
of Tax Analysis, published a paper on the effect of the death
tax over 50-years (1949-2001), Joulfaian noted that “estate
taxes have a dampening effect on the reported size of taxable
estates.” Specifically, Joulfaian found that the death
tax results in a 14% decrease in the size of estates –
before it is levied. That is to say, reported wealth in America
for those subject to the death tax is 14% less than it would
be without the tax.
This conclusion is further supported in a study by Kenneth
Chapman, Govind Hariharan, and Lawrence Southwick, Jr. Based
on evidence comparing significant death tax rate increases
in 1941 and 1977 to lower rates in 1984, they found that the
higher rates resulted in a smaller amount of taxable assets.
The estate tax undoubtedly reduces the size of real wealth,
decreasing other potential sources of federal revenue, such
as the capital gains and income tax.
The CONSAD Research Corporation has provided an estimate
of the actual revenue impact of permanent repeal. Taking into
account the increase in income and capital gains taxes that
would be generated by estate tax repeal, CONSAD found that
repeal would result in a net revenue increase of $38.0 billion
over the period from 2003 to 2012.
The death tax does bring in revenue, but the pitiful sum
hardly makes up for the revenue lost through decreased capital
and tax-avoidance measures. Repeal will not hurt federal tax
revenues, and will in fact likely increase them.
4 U.S. Congress, Congressional Budget Office,
The Economic and Budget Outlook: Fiscal Years 2007-2016
(Washington, DC: Congressional Budget Office, 2005),
84.
5. Cost and Consequences of the Federal
Estate Tax,” Joint Economic Committee, May
2006
6. Dan Clifton, “Learning from History
Part II: Federal Estate Tax Repeal will have no effect on
the Budget Deficit,” American Family Business Institute,
May 2006.
7. David Joulfaian, “The Behavioral
Response of Wealth Accumulation to Estate Taxation: Time
Series Evidence,” Office of Tax Analysis, U.S. Department
of the Treasury, OTA Paper 96, (November 2005), 1.
8. Kenneth Chapman, Govind Hariharan and
Lawrence Southwick, Jr., “Estate Taxes and Asset Accumulation,”
Family Business Review9, no. 3 (Fall 1996): 267.
9. Wilbur A. Steger and Frederick H. Rueter,
“The Effects on Government Revenues from Repealing
the Federal Estate Tax and Limiting the Step-Up in Basis
for Taxing Capital Gains,” (Pittsburgh, PA: CONSAD
Research Corporation, 2003), 4.
<< Back
to Why The Death Tax is Bad |